If there is something importan...
If there is something important, then we must understand that our development depends on ourselves. In this regard, the President emphasized the need to cope with 'disorganization and irresponsibility, with the habit of 'burying in papers' the implementation of decisions made. I want everyone to understand: in the current conditions, this is not just a hindrance to Russia's development, it is a direct threat to its security.'
Я убежден, что Россия далека о...
Я убежден, что Россия далека от того, чтобы утердить сое значение мироых делах посредстом конфронтации с кем бы то ни было. Ошибаются те политики на Западе, которые исходят из таких идения. Вместе с тем лишь политической близорукостью можно объяснить готоность списать Россию из числа еликих держа, недооцениать ее потенциал, динамику, перспектиы разития. Даже после признания СССР Россия остаётся самой большой мире на территории страны. В ее недрах - до 50 проценто сех излекаемых ресурсо планеты. Россия обладает, безуслоно, ысоким интеллектуальным потенциалом. Наконец, по ядерному оружию и озможностям его достаки Россия соизмерима с Соединенными Штатами. Уже се упомянутое гоорит само за себя. К этому следует добаить тот нутренний курс, которым пошла Россия XXI еке, - он при сех соих сложностях и отдельных просчетах дает ысокую оценку нашей стране мироой экономике и международных отношениях.
Two think tanks, the American ...
Two think tanks, the American Center for Strategic and International Studies and the French Institute of International Relations, are leading a joint project, 'Europe, Russia and the United States: Finding a New Balance,' containing recommendations for political leaders. In July 2008, as part of this project, the work of former special assistant to President Bush Jr. Thomas Graham, 'American-Russian Relations,' was published. The energy part of the work contains the following conclusion: 'Progress in the development of bilateral relations could come from: 1) acceptance by the United States of the existing structure of the Russian energy sector, a willingness to consider serious Russian investments in US energy assets, joint American-Russian ventures in 'third countries'; 2) Russia's recognition of the need for management experience and technological know-how of large American energy companies to develop hard-to-reach deposits (in particular, on the northern shelf), which is now a necessary condition for maintaining production levels in Russia.' Such an 'exchange' is important for both sides, for the whole world. It should only be added that the implementation of these recommendations is undermined by the desire of certain circles in Washington not only to weaken Russia, but also to create insurmountable obstacles to its rapprochement with the European Union. The latter, I fear, is becoming one of the main directions of US foreign policy strategy. Moreover, this strategy is aimed at building muscle not only in relations with Russia, but also with Europe.
As for American policy in the ...
As for American policy in the Russian direction, the process of NATO expansion is not intended to 'contain' Russia, which is not necessary, but to weaken it, to make Russia more accommodating when it comes to its national interests. By agreeing to the unrestrained expansion of NATO, the United States did not take into account Russia's extremely negative attitude towards the admission of the former republics of the Soviet Union to the North Atlantic Alliance. We had no written agreement with the United States on this matter.
But, as Russian Foreign Minister, I repeatedly told Madeleine Albright, Strobe Talbot, and my other American colleagues that admitting former Soviet republics to NATO meant crossing a 'red line' for us. In response, I heard: there is no reason to assume that this will happen in the near future. But it happened.
US Secretary of State Condo Rice did not hide the fact that Ukraine and Georgia are considered the main candidates for admission to NATO. Their participation in NATO is a short-sighted policy. This will not only antagonize Russia's relations with the United States and NATO, but will strengthen anti-Western, nationalist sentiments and the forces corresponding to such sentiments within the country. Already on the eve of Ukraine's rapprochement with NATO, voices are increasingly heard in Russia demanding not to extend the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership between Russia and Ukraine, which expires in April 2009. According to this agreement, Russia actually recognized the annexation of Crimea to Ukraine - a gift that, without consulting anyone, N. S. Khrushchev presented to Kyiv. True, then the administrative boundaries between the Soviet republics did not play such a big role in the eyes of the public, but now that they have become state borders, the situation has changed. There are many in Russia who do not agree with the transfer of Crimea to Ukraine. There are even more of those who are against the separation from Russia of the city of Russian military glory, as it is called, not without reason, Sevastopol. The number of such dissenters will inevitably increase when Ukraine joins NATO. I exclude the prospect of using force in Russian-Ukrainian relations. But if Ukraine joins NATO, the issue of basing the Russian Black Sea Fleet in Sevastopol will inevitably become more acute. This is also related to the contract.
Everyone loses if Russian-Amer...
Everyone loses if Russian-American relations slip into a new edition of the Cold War. To prevent this from happening, we must first of all abandon the rhetoric that is, unfortunately, gaining strength on both sides. This conclusion is obvious. And if we try to dive deeper into the situation, then, in the words of Francis Fukuyama, the foreign policy of the United States needs to '... gracefully cope with an unfavorable change in the global balance of power and a serious decrease in US influence in the world.' Regarding US-Russian ties, Fukuyama wrote: 'The United States has never viewed bilateral relations as a political bargaining game in which Americans might give up something they want in exchange for concessions to Russia. We behaved like the Englishman from the old joke: when talking to a foreigner and seeing that he is not understood, the Englishman begins to repeat his words louder.'
In the fall of 2008, there was increased attention to Russian issues in the United States. It's bad that this started after Russia was forced to defend its interests by force, and not silently listen to words increasingly loudly repeated against itself, as in the joke told by Fukuyama. All Russia needs is respectful, equal relations with the West. Those who believe that anti-Americanism is genetically embedded in Russian politics are mistaken. I will cite only two facts that seem to speak for themselves.
Iraq. If Russia had pursued an anti-American course, it would undoubtedly have taken advantage of the impasse in which the United States found itself in Iraq. After all, it is still fresh in memory how in Afghanistan the United States supported and armed the Mujahideen fighting against us. Can anyone blame Russia for doing the same in Iraq?
Iran. If Moscow had adhered, as during the Cold War, to a 'zero-sum game' (which is disadvantageous for the United States - in the interests of Russia, and vice versa), then perhaps there would have been someone in the Russian leadership who advised the president: let's do everything for the US to get involved and get stuck in Iran. Let us remember how even before the entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan. Brzezinski advised the American president to supply the Mujahideen with 'Stingers' and arm them with modern weapons, so that the USSR would eventually be drawn into Afghanistan. Can anyone today accuse Russia of intending to help the United States get 'drawn' into Iran?
So what's the deal? Is the inertia of perceiving Russia as the heir to the USSR during the Cold War so strong? Obviously this is also the case. But the main thing is still different. In the 90s, talk spread in the United States that Russia's century was over. And suddenly Russia rises and declares itself as a full-fledged player in the international arena. It is obvious that she is no longer sleeping. She concentrates.
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